Indeed, the whole country was almost exclusively agricultural, and, in spite of every effort to encourage manufactures by state bounties, they formed the meagrest Agriculture, element in the national production. Connecticut, commerce which now teems with manufactures, was just begin- and Mansning the production of tinware and clocks; Rhode factures. Island and Massachusetts were just beginning to work in cotton from models of jennies and Arkwright machinery surreptitiously obtained from England; and other states, beyond local manufactures of paper, glass and iron, were almost entirely agricultural, or were engaged in industries directly dependent on agriculture. Commerce was dependent on agriculture for export and manufactured imports were enough to drown out every other form. 104. There were but five cities in the United States having a population of more than 1o,000-New York (33,000), Phiia•• delphia (28,500), Boston (18,000), Charleston (16,000) and Baltimore (13,00c). The population of the Changes since l790. city of New York is now greater than that of the original thirteen states in 1790; the state of New York has now about twice as many inhabitants as the thirteen had in 1790; and the new states of Ohio and Illinois, which had hardly any white inhabitants in 1789, have each a larger population than the whole thirteen then had. Imports have swollen from $23,000,000 to $1,475,612,580 (1909); exports from $20,000,000 to $1,728,203,271 (1909), since 1790. The revenues of the new government in 1790 were $4,000,000; the expenditures, excluding interest on the public debt, but $1,000,coo; now both the revenues and the expenditures are about $1,000,000,000. It is not easy for the modern American to realize the poverty and weakness of his country at the inauguration of the new system of government, however he may realize the simplicity of the daily life of its people. io5. Outside the cities communication was slow. One stage a week was enough for the connexion between the great cities; and communication elsewhere depended on private The west. conveyance. The Western settlements were just beginning to make the question more serious. Enterprising land companies were the moving force which had impelled the passage of the Ordinance of 1787; and the first column of their settlers was pouring into Ohio and forming connexion with their predecessors in Kentucky and Tennessee. Marietta and Cincinnati had been founded. But the intending settlers were obliged to make the journey down the Ohio river from Pittsburg in bullet-proof flat-boats, for protection against the Indians, and the return trip depended on the use of oars. For more than twenty years these flat-boats were the chief means of river commerce in the West; and in the longer trips, as to New Orleans, the boats were generally broken up at the end and sold for lumber the crew making the trip home on foot or on horseback. John Fitch and others were already experimenting on what was soon to be the steamboat; but the statesman of 1789, looking at the task of keeping under one government a country of such distances, with such difficulties of communication, may be pardoned for having felt anxiety as to the future. To almost all thinking men of the time the Constitution was an experiment, and the unity of the new nation a subject for very serious doubt. ro6. The comparative isolation of the people everywhere, the lack of books, the poverty of the schools and newspapers, were Literature. all influences which worked strongly against any pronounced literary development. Poems, essays and paintings were feeble imitations of European models; history was annalistic, if anything; and the drama hardly existed. In two points the Americans were strong, and had done good work. Such men as Jonathan Edwards had excelled in various departments of theology, and American preaching had reached a high degree of quality and influence; and, in the line of politics, the American state papers rank among the very best of their kind. Having a very clear perception of their political purposes, and having been restricted in study and reading to the great masters of pure and vigorous English, and particularly to the English translators of the Bible, the American leaders came to their work with an English style which could hardly have been improved. The writings of Franklin, Washington, the Adamses, Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison, Jay and others show the secret of their strength in every page. Much the same reasons, with the influences of democracy, brought oratory, as represented by Patrick Henry, Fisher Ames, John Randolph and others, to a point not very far below the mark afterwards reached by Daniel Webster. The effect of these facts on the subsequent development of the country is not often estimated at its full value. All through an immigration of every language and dialect under heaven the English language has been protected in its supremacy by the necessity of going back to the " fathers of the republic " for the first, and often the complete, statement of principles in every great political struggle, social problem or lawsuit. 107. The cession of the " North-West Territory " by Virginia and New York had been followed up by similar cessions by Massachusetts (1785), Connecticut (1786) and South Tennessee until early in 1790, nor Georgia her western claims until 18oz. Settlement in all these regions was still very sparse. The centres of Western settlement, in Tennessee and Kentucky, had become more firmly established, and a new one, in Ohio, had just been begun. The whole western limits of settle- ment of the old thirteen states had moved much nearer their present boundaries; and the acquisition of the Western title, with the liberal policy of organization and government which had been begun, was to have its first clear effects during the first decade of the new government. Almost the only obstacle to its earlier success had been the doubts as to the attitude which the Spanish authorities, at New Orleans and Madrid, would take towards the new settlements. They had already asserted a claim from its mouth up to the Yazoo, and that no American boat should be allowed to sail on this part of it. To the Western settler the Alleghanies and bad roads were enough to cut him off from any other way to a market than down the Mississippi; and it was not easy to restrain him from a forcible defiance of the Spanish claim. The Northern states were willing to allow the Spanish claim for a period of years in return for a commercial treaty; the Southern states and the Western settlers protested angrily; and once more the spectre of dissolution appeared, not to be laid again until the new government had made a treaty with Spain in 1795 (see PINCKNEY, THOMAS), securing common navigation of the Mississippi. 1o8. Contemporary authorities agree that a marked change Socha had come over the people since 1775, and few of Conditions. them seem to think the change one for the better. Many attribute it to the looseness of manners and morals introduced by the French and British soldiers; others to the general effects of war; a few, Tories all, to the demoralizing effects of rebellion. The successful establishment of nationality would be enough to explain most,of it; and if we remember that the new nation had secured its title to a vast western territory, of unknown but rich capacities, which it was now moving to reduce to possession by emigration, it would seem far more strange if the social conditions had not been somewhat disturbed. G.—The Development of Democracy, 1789-18oz. log. All the tendencies of political institutions in the United States had certainly been towards democracy; but it cannot be said that the leading men were hearty or unanimous Democracy in their agreement with this tendency. Not a few in the United of them were pronounced republicans even before states. 1775, but the mass of them had no great objections to a monarchical form of government until the war-spirit had converted them. The Declaration of Independence had been directed rather against the kingsthan against a king. Even after popular sovereignty had pronounced against a king, class spirit was for some time a fair substitute for aristocracy. As often happens, democracy at least thought of a Caesar when it apprehended class control. Certain discontented officers of the Continental Army proposed to Washington that he become king, but he promptly and indignantly put the offer by. The suggestion of a return to monarchy in some form, as a possible road out of the confusion of the Confederation, occurs in the correspondence of some of the leading men; and while the Convention of 1787 was holding its secret sessions a rumour went out that it had decided to offer a crown to an English prince. 110. The state constitutions were democratic, except for property or other restrictions on the right of suffrage, or pro-visions carefully designed to keep the control of at least one house of the state legislature " in the hands of property." The Federal Constitution was so drawn that it would have lent itself kindly either to class control or to democracy. The electoral system of choosing the president and vice-president was altogether anti-democratic, though democracy has conquered it: not an elector, since 1796, has disobeyed the purely moral claim of his party to control his choice. Since the Senate was to be chosen by the state legislatures, " property," if it could retain its influence in those bodies, could control at least one house of Congress. The question whether the Constitution was to have a democratic or an anti-democratic interpretation was to be settled in the next twelve years. I it. The states were a strong factor in the final settlement, from the fact that the Constitution had left to them the control of the elective franchise: they were to make its conditions /nfluence of what each of them saw fit. Religious tests for the right of fm mine suffrage had been quite common in the colonies; property tioa. tests were almost universal. The former disappeared""' shortly after the War of Independence; the latter survived in some of the states far into the constitutional period. But the desire to attract immigration was always a strong impelling force.to induce states, especially frontier states, to make the acquisition of full citizenship and political rights as easy and rapid as possible. This force was not so strong at first as it was after the great stream of immigration began about 1848, but it was enough to tend constantly to the development of democracy. In later times,when state laws allow the immigrant to vote even before the period assigned by Federal laws allows him to become a naturalized citizen, there have been demands for the modification of the ultra state democracy; but no such danger was apprehended in the first decade. 112. The Anti-Federalists had been a political party, but a party with but one principle. The absolute failure of that principle deprived the party of all cohesion; and the Federalists controlled the first two Congresses almost entirely. Their pronounced ability was shown in their organizing measures, which still govern the American system very largely. The departments of state, of the treasury, of war, of justice, and of the post-office were rapidly and successfully organized; acts were passed for the regulation of seamen, commerce, tonnage duties, lighthouses, intercourse with the Indians, Territories, and the militia; a national capital was selected; a national bank was chartered; the national debt was funded, and the state debts were assumed as Limits of sewema ent.Carolina (1787). North Carolina did not cede Settle The miss's- that the Mississippi, was an exclusively Spanish stream sippl River. Organization of the New Government. part of it. The first four years of the new system showed that the states had now to deal with a very different power from the impotent Congress of the Confederation. The new power was even able to exert pressure upon the two states which had not ratified the Constitution, though the pressure was made as gentle as possible. As a first step, the higher duties imposed on imports from foreign countries were expressly directed to apply to imports from North Carolina and Rhode Island. North Carolina having called a second convention, her case was left to the course of nature; and the second convention ratified the Constitution (November 21, 1789). The Rhode Island legislature asked that their state might not be considered altogether foreigners, made their duties agree with those of the new government, and reserved the proceeds for " continental " purposes. Still no further steps were taken. A bill was therefore introduced, directing the president to suspend commercial intercourse with Rhode Island, and to demand from her her share of the continental debt. This was passed by the Senate, and waited but two steps further to become law. Newspaper proposals to divide the little state between her two nearest neighbours were stopped by her ratification of the Constitution (May 29,1790). The " old thirteen " were thus united under completion the Constitution; and yet, so strong is the American of the prejudice for the autonomy of the states that these union. last two were allowed to enter in the full conviction that they did so in the exercise of sovereign freedom of choice. Their entrance, however, was no more involuntary than that of others. If there had been real freedom of choice, nine states would never have ratified: the votes of Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Virginia and New York were only secured by the pressure of powerful minorities in these states, backed by the almost unanimous votes of the others. 113. Protection was begun in the first Tariff Act, whose object, said its preamble, was the protection of domestic manufactures. Hami-toniaaThe duties, however, ranged only from 71 to 1o%, protection. averaging about 82 %. The system, too, had rather a political than an economic basis. Until 1789 the states had controlled the imposition of duties. The separate state feeling was a factor so strong that secession was a possibility which every statesman had to take into account. Hamilton's object, in introducing the system, seems to have been to create a class of manufacturers, running through all the states, but dependent for prosperity on the new Federal government and its tariff. This would be a force which would make strongly against any attempt at secession, or against the tendency to revert to control by state legislatures, even though it based the national idea on a conscious tendency towards the development of classes. The same feeling seems to have been at the bottom of his establishment of a national bank, his assumption of state debts, and most of the general scheme which his influence forced upon the Federalist party. (See HAMILTON, ALEXANDER; and FEDERALIST PARTY.) 114. In forming his cabinet Washington had paid attention to the opposing elements which had united for the temporary The First purpose of ratifying the Constitution. The national cabinet, element was represented by Hamilton, secretary of the treasury, and Henry Knox, secretary of war; the particularist element (using the term to indicate support of the states, not of a state) by Jefferson, secretary of state, and Edmund Randolph, attorney-general. At the end of 1792 matters were in train for the general recognition of the existence of two parties, whose struggles were to decide the course of the Constitution's development. The occasion came in the opening of the following year, when the new nation was first brought into contact with the French Revolution. 115. The controLling tendency of Jefferson and his school was to the maintenance of individual rights at the highest possible The /effer- point, as the Hamilton school was always ready to son School assert the national power to restrict individual rights ofPoiitics, for the general good. Other points of difference are rather symptomatic than essential. The Jefferson school supported the states, in the belief that they were the best bulwarks for individual rights. When the French Revolution began itsusual course in America by agitation for the " rights of man," it met a sympathetic audience in the Jefferson party and a cold and unsympathetic hearing from the Hamilton school of Federalists. The latter were far more interested in securing the full recognition of the power and rights of the nation than in securing the individual against imaginary dangers, as they thought them. For ten years the surface marks of distinction between the two parties were to be connected with the course of events in Europe; but the essence of distinction was not in the surface marks. 116. The new government was not yet four years old; it was not familiar, nor of assured permanency. The only national governments of which Americans had had previous experience were the British government and the toTheSchonlfamnol. Confederation: in the former they had had no share, and the latter had had no power. The only places in which they had had long-continued, full, and familiar experience of self-government were their state governments: these were the only governmental forms which were then distinctly associated in their minds with the general notion of republican government. The governing principle of the Hamilton school, that the construction or interpretation of the terms of the Constitution was to be such as to broaden the powers of the Federal government, necessarily involved a corresponding trenching on the powers of the states. It was natural, then, that the Jefferson school should look on every feature of the Hamilton programme as " anti-republican," meaning, probably, at first no more than opposed to the state system, though the term soon came to imply something of monarchical and, more particularly, of English tendencies. The disposition of the Jefferson school to claim for them-selves a certain peculiar title to the position of " republicans " developed into the appearance of the first Republican, or the Democratic-Republican, party, about 1793. 117. Many of the Federalists were shrewd and active business men, who naturally took prompt advantage of the opportunities which the new system offered. The Republicans party therefore believed and asserted that the whole Differences. Hamilton programme was dictated by selfish or class interest; and they added this to the accusation of monarchical tendencies. These charges, with the fundamental differences of mental constitution, exasperated by the passion which differences as to the French Revolution seemed to carry with them every-where, made the political history of this decade a very unpleasant record. The provision for establishing the national capital on the Potomac (1790) was declared to have been carried by a corrupt bargain; and accusations of corruption were renewed at every opportunity. In 1793 a French agent, The National Edmond Charles Edouard Genet (1765-1834), ap- capital. peared to claim the assistance of the United States Genet's for the French republic, and went to the length of Mission. commissioning privateers and endeavouring to secure recruits, especially for a force which he expected to raise for the conquest of Louisiana from Spain. Washington decided to issue a proclamation of neutrality, the first act of the kind in American history. It was the first indication, also, of the policy which has made the course of every president, with the exception of Polk, a determined leaning to peace, even when the other branches of the government have been intent on war. Genet, however, continued his activities, and made out- The whisky rageous demands upon the government, so that finally Insurrec-Washington demanded and secured (1794) his recall.' tnon. The proclamation of 1793 brought about the first distinctly party feeling; and it was intensified by Washington's charge that popular opposition in western Pennsylvania (1794) to the new excise law (see WHISKY INSURRECTION) had been Admission fomented by the extreme French party. Their name, of Vermont, Democrat, was applied by the Federalists to the whole Kentucky Republican party as a term of contempt, but it was and n-not accepted by the party for some twenty years; lesseeTe then the compound title " Democratic-Republican became, as it 1 Genet, fearing the fate of his fellow Girondists in France, remained in the United States and became a naturalized American citizen. still is, the official title of the party. There was no party opposition, however, to the re-election of Washington in 1792, or to the admission of Vermont (1791), Kentucky (1792) and Tennessee (1796) as new states. 118. The British government had accredited no minister to the United States, and it refused to make any commercial treaty or to give up the forts in the western territory of the United States, through which its agents still exercised a commanding influence over the Indians. In the course of its war with France, the neutral American vessels, without the protection of a national navy, fared badly. A treaty negotiated in 1794 by /ar Chief-Justice John Jay (q.v.) settled these difficulties Treaty. for the following twelve years. But, as it engaged the United States against any intervention in the war on behalf of France, was silent on the subject of the right of search, and agreed to irksome limitations on the commercial privileges of the United States, the Republicans, who were opposed to the negotiation of any treaty at this time with Great Britain, made it very unpopular, and the bitter personal attacks on Washington grew out of it. In spite of occasional Republican successes, the Federalists retained a general control of national Election of affairs; they elected John Adams president in 1796, 1796. though Jefferson was chosen vice-president with him; and the national policy of the Federalists kept the country out of entangling alliances with any of the European belligerents. To the Republicans, and to the French republic, this last point of policy was only a practical intervention against France and against the rights of man. 119. At the end of Washington's administration the French Directory broke off relations with the United States, demanding the abrogation of Jay's treaty and a more pronounced sympathy with France. Adams sent three envoys, C. C. Pinckney (q.v.), John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry (q.v.), to endeavour to re-establish the former relations; they were The met by demands for " money, a great deal of ,' x.Y.Z." money," as a prerequisite to peace. They refused; Mission. their letters home were published,' and the Federalists at last had the opportunity of riding the whirlwind of an intense popular desire for war with France. Intercourse with France was suspended by Congress (1798); the treaties with France were declared at an end; American frigates were authorized to capture French vessels guilty of depredations on American commerce, and the president was authorized to issue letters of marque and reprisal; and an American army was formed, Washington being called from his retirement at Mount Vernon to command it. The war never went beyond Quest-war a few sea-fights, in which the little American navy withFinace,did itself credit, and Napoleon, seizing power the next year, renewed the peace which should never have been broken. But the quasi-war had internal consequences to the young republic which surpassed in interest all its foreign difficulties: it brought on the crisis which settled the development of the United States towards democracy. 120. The reaction in Great Britain against the indefinite " rights of man " had led parliament to pass an alien law, a sedition law suspending the writ of habeas corpus, and an act giving wide and loosely defined powers to magistrates for the dispersion of meetings to petition for redress of Federalists. grievances. The Federalists were in control of a Congress of limited powers; but they were strongly tempted by sympathies and antipathies of every sort to form their programme on the model furnished from England. The measures which they actually passed were based only on that construction of the Constitution which is at the bottom of all American politics; they only tended to force the Constitution into an anti-democratic direction. But it was the fixed belief of their opponents that they meant to go farther, and to secure control by some wholesale measure of political persecution. 121. Three alien laws were passed in June and July 1798. 1 In these letters as published the letters X, Y and Z were substituted for the names of the French agents with whom the American envoys dealt ; and the letters are known as the X Y Z correspondence. The first (repealed in April 1802) raised the number of years necessary for naturalization from five to fourteen. The third (still substantially in force) permitted the arrest or The Alien removal of subjects of any foreign power with and Sedition which the United States should be at war. The Laws. second, which is usually known as the Alien Law, was limited to a term of two years; it permitted the president to arrest or order out of the country any alien whom he should consider dangerous to the country. As many of the Republican editors and local leaders were aliens, this law really put a large part of the 'Republican organization in the power of the president elected by their opponents. The Sedition Law (to be in force until March 18o1 and not renewed) made it a crime, punishable by fine and imprisonment, to publish or print any false, scandalous and malicious writings against the government of the United States, either house of Congress, or the president, or to stir up sedition or opposition to any lawful act of Congress or of the president, or to aid the designs of any foreign power against the United States. In its first form the bill was even more sweeping than this and alarmed the opposition thoroughly. 122. Most of the ability of the country was in the Federalist ranks; the Republicans had but two first-rate men—Jefferson and Madison. In the sudden issue thus forced The between individual rights and national power, Republican Jefferson and Madison could find but one bulwark Opposition. for the individual—the power of the states; and their use of it gave their party a pronounced list to state sovereignty from which it did not recover for years. They objected to the Alien Law on the grounds that aliens were under the jurisdiction of the state, not of the Federal government; that the jurisdiction over them had not been transferred to the Federal government by the Constitution, and that the assumption of it by Congress was a violation of the Constitution's reservation of powers to the states; and, further, because the Constitution reserved to every " person," not to every citizen, the right to a jury trial. They objected to the Sedition Law on the grounds that the Constitution had specified exactly the four crimes for whose punishment Congress was to provide; that criminal libel was not one of them; and that amendment I. forbade Congress to pass any law restricting freedom of speech or of the press. The Federalists asserted a common-law power in Federal judges to punish for libel, and pointed to a provision in the Sedition Law permitting the truth to be given in evidence, as an improvement on the common law, instead of a restriction on liberty. 123. The Republican objections might have been made in court, on the first trial. But the Republican leaders had strong doubts of the impartiality of the Federal judges, who were Federalists. They resolved to entrench the party in the state legislatures. The Virginia legislature in 1798 passed virglnta and a series of resolutions prepared by Madison, Kentucky and the Kentucky legislature in the same year Resolutions. passed a series prepared by Jefferson (see KENTUCKY: History). Neglected or rejected by the other states, they were passed again by their legislatures in 1799, and were for a long time a documentary basis of the Democratic party. The leading idea expressed in both was that the Constitution was a " compact " between the states, and that the powers (the states) which had made the compact had reserved the power to restrain the creature of the compact, the Federal government, whenever it undertook to assume powers not granted to it. Madison's idea seems to have been that the restraint was to be imposed by a second convention of the states. Jefferson's idea is more doubtful; if it meant that the restraint should be imposed by any state which should feel aggrieved, his scheme was merely Calhoun's idea of nullification; but there are some indications that he agreed with Madison. 124. The first Congress of Adams's term of office ended in 1799. Its successor, elected in the heat of the French war excitement, kept the Federalist policy up to its first pitch. Out Effects of of Congress the execution of the objectionable laws the Laws. had taken the shape of political persecution. Men were arrested, tried and punished for writings which the people had been accustomed to consider within legitimate political methods. The Republican leaders made every trial as public as possible, and gained votes constantly, so that the Federalists began to be shy of the very powers which they had sought. Every new election was a storm-signal for the Federalist party; and the danger was increased by schism in their own ranks. 125. Hamilton was now a private citizen of New York; but he had the confidence of his party more largely than its nominal head, the president, and he maintained close and confidential relations with the cabinet which Adams had taken unchanged from Washington. The Hamilton faction saw no way of preserving and consolidating the newly acquired powers of the Federal government but by keeping up and increasing the war feeling against France; Adams had the instinctive leaning of an American president towards peace. Amid cries of wrath and despair from his party he accepted the first overtures of the new Napoleonic government, sent envoys to negotiate a peace, and ordered them to depart for France when they delayed too long. Then, discovering flat treachery in his cabinet, he dismissed it and blurted out a public expression of his feeling that Hamilton and his adherents were " a British faction." Hamilton retorted with a circular letter to his party friends, denouncing the president; the Republicans intercepted it and gave it a wider circulation than its author had intended; and the Hamilton faction tried so to arrange the electoral vote that C. C. Pinckney should be chosen Election of president in 1800 and Adams should be shelved /800. into the vice-presidency. The result depended on the electoral vote of New York; and Aaron Burr, who had introduced the drill and machinery of a modern American political party there, had made the state Republican and secured a majority for the Republican candidates. These (Jefferson and Burr) received the same number of electoral votes (73),1 and the House of Representatives (controlled by the Federalists) was thus called upon to decide which should be president. There was an effort by the Federalists to disappoint the Republicans by making Burr president; but Jefferson obtained that office, Burr becoming vice-president for four years. This disputed election, however, led to the adoption in 1804 of the 12th amendment to the Constitution, which prescribed that each elector should vote separately for president and vice-president, and thus prevent another tie vote of this kind; this amendment, moreover, made very improbable the choice in the future of a president and a vice-president from opposing parties. 126. The " Revolution of 1800" decided the future development of the United States. The new dominant party entered upon its career weighted with the theory of state 'Revolution of 1800 ." sovereignty; and a civil war was necessary before l80o this dogma, put to use again in the service of slavery, could be banished from the American system. But the democratic development never was checked. From that time the interpretation of the Federal Constitution has generally favoured individual rights at the expense of governmental power. As the Republicans obtained control of the states they altered the state constitutions so as to cut out all the arrangements that favoured property or class interests, and reduced political power to the dead level of manhood suffrage. In most of the states outside of New England this process was completed before 1815; but New England tenacity was proof against the advancing revolution until about 1820. For twenty years after its downfall of 1800 the Federalist party maintained its hopeless struggle, and then it faded away into nothing, leaving as its permanent memorial the excellent organization of the Federal government, which its successful rival hardly changed. Its two successors —the Whig and the second Republican party—have also been broad-constructionist parties, but they have admitted democracy as well; the Whig party adopted popular methods at least, and the Republican went further in the direction of individual rights, securing the emancipation of enslaved labour. 1 Adams received 65, Pinckney 64 and John Jay 1. 127. The disputed election of 1800 was decided in the new capital city of Washington, to which the government had just been removed, after having been for ten years at Philadel- The New phia. Its streets and parks existed only on paper. capital. The Capitol had been begun; the Executive Mansion was unfinished, and its audience room was used by Mrs Adams as a drying room for clothes; and the congressmen could hardly find lodgings. The inconveniences were only an exaggeration of the condition of other American cities. Their sanitary conditions were had, and yellow fever and cholera from time to time reduced several of them almost to depopulation. More than once, during this decade, the fever visited Philadelphia and New York. drove out most of the people, and left grass growing in the streets. The communication between the cities was still wretched. The traveller was subject to every danger or annoyance that bad roads, bad carriages, bad horses, bad inns and bad police protection could combine to inflict upon him. But the war with natural obstacles had fairly begun, though it had little prospect of success until steam was brought into use as the ally of man. 128. About this time the term " the West " appears. It meant then the western part of New York, the new territory north of the Ohio, and Kentucky and Tennessee. In The west. settling land boundaries New York had transferred (1786) to Massachusetts, whose claims crossed her territory, the right to (but not jurisdiction over) a large tract of land in central New York, and to another large tract in the Erie basin. The sale of this land had carried population considerably west of the Hudson. After other expeditions against the Ohio Indians had been defeated, one under General Anthony Wayne had compelled them in 1794–95 to give up all the territory now in the state of Ohio. Settlement received a new impetus. Between 1790 and 1800 the population of Ohio had risen from almost nothing to 45,000, that of Tennessee from 36,000 to ro6,000, and that of Kentucky from 74,000 to 221,000–the last-named state now exceeding six of the " old thirteen " in population. The difficulties of the western emigrant, however, were still enormous. He obtained land of his own, fertile land and plenty of it, but little else. The produce of the soil had to be consumed at home, or near it; ready money was scarce and distant products scarcer; and comforts, except the very rudest substitutes of home manufacture, were unobtainable. The new life bore most hardly upon women; and, if the record of woman's share in the work of American colonization could be fully made up, the price paid for the final success would seem enormous. 129. The number of post offices rose during these ten years from 75 to 903, the miles of post routes from 1900 to 21,000, and the revenue from $38,000 to $231,000. These figures seem small in comparison with the 61,158 PostOtf/ce. post offices, 430,738 M. of post routes (besides 943,087 m. of rural delivery routes), and a postal revenue of $191,478,663. in 1908, but the comparison with the figures of 1790 shows a development in which the new Constitution, with its increased security, must have been a factor. 130. The power of Congress to regulate patents was already bearing fruit. Until 1789 this power was in the hands of the states, and the privileges of the inventor were patents. restricted to the territory of the patenting state. Now he had a vast and growing territory within which all the profits of the invention were his own. Twenty patents were issued in 1793, and 23,471 one hundred years afterwards; but one of the inventions of 1793 was Eli Whitney's. cotton gin. 131. When the Constitution was adopted it was not known that the cultivation of cotton could be made profitable in the Southern states. The " roller gin " could clean only 6 lb a day by slave labour. In 1784 eight cotton. bags of cotton, landed in Liverpool from an American ship, were seized on the ground that so much cotton could not be the produce of the United States. Eli Whitney (q.v.) invented the saw-gin, by which the cotton was dragged through parallel wires with openings too narrow to allow the seeds to pass; and one slave could now clean loon lb a day. The exports of cotton leaped from 189,000 lb in Federalist Schism. 1791 to 21,000,000 lb in 18oi, and doubled in three years more. The influence of this one invention, combined with the wonderful series of British inventions which had paved the way for it, can hardly be estimated in its commercial aspects. Its political influences were even wider, but more unhappy. The introduction of the commercial element into the slave system of the South robbed it at once of the patriarchal features which had made it tolerable; while it developed in slave-holders a new disposition to defend a system of slave labour as a " positive good." The abolition societies of the South began to dwindle as soon as the results of Whitney's invention began to be manifest. 132. The development of a class whose profits were merely the extorted natural wages of the black labourer was certain; and its political power was as certain, though it slavery andnever showed itself clearly until after 183o. And Democracy. this class was to have a peculiarly' distorting effect on the political history of the United States. Aristocratic in every sense but one, it was ultra-Democratic (in a purely party sense) in its devotion to state sovereignty, for the legal basis of the slave system was in the laws of the several states. In time, the aristocratic element got control of the party which had originally looked to state rights as a bulwark of individual rights; and the party was finally committed to the employment of its original doctrine for an entirely different purpose—the suppression of the black labourer's wages. H.—Democracy and Nationality, 1801–1829 133• When Jefferson took office in 18oi he succeeded to a task larger than he imagined. His party, ignoring the natural Democracy forces which tied the states together even against and their wills, insisted that the legal basis of the bond Nationality. was in the power of any state to withdraw at will. This was no nationality; and foreign nations naturally refused to take the American national coin at any higher valuation than that at which it was current in its own country. The urgent necessity was for a reconciliation between democracy and nationality; and this was the work of this period. An under-lying sense of all this has led Democratic leaders to call the war of 1812–15 the " Second War of Independence "; the result was as much independence of past ideas as of Great Britain. 134. The first force in the new direction was the acquisition of Louisiana in 1803. Napoleon had acquired it from Spain, Louislaaa. and, fearing an attack upon it by Great Britain, offered it to the United States for $15,000,000. The Constitution gave the Federal government no power to buy and hold territory, and the party was based on a strict construction of the constitution. Possession of power forced the strict-construction party to broaden its ideas, and Louisiana was bought, though Jefferson quieted his conscience by talking for a time of a futile proposal to amend the Constitution so as to grant the necessary power. (See LOUISIANA PURCHASE; and JEFFERSON, THOMAS.) The acquisition of the western Mississippi basin more than doubled the area of the United States, and gave them control of all the great river-systems of central The North America. The difficulties of using these steamboat. rivers were removed almost immediately by Robert Fulton's utilization of steam in navigation (1807). Within four years steamboats were at work on western waters; and thereafter the increase of steam navigation and that of population stimulated one another. The " centre of popu- lation " has been carefully ascertained by the census Centre of Populationauthorities for each decade, and it represents the . westward movement of population very closely. During this period it advanced from about the middle of the state of Maryland to its extreme western limit; that is, the centre of population was in 183o nearly at the place which had been the western limit of population in 1770. 135. Jefferson also laid the basis for a further acquisition in the future by sending an expedition under Meriwether Lewis (q.v.) and William Clark to explore the territory north of the then Spanish territory of California and west of the Rocky Mountains—the " Oregon country " as it was afterwards called. The explorations of this party (1804–1806), with Captain Robert Gray's discovery of the Country"n Columbia river (1792), made the best part of the claims of the United States to the country forty years later. 136. Jefferson was re-elected in 1804,1 serving until March, 1809; his party now controlled almost all the states outside of New England, and could elect almost any one whom it chose to the presidency. Imitating Washington in Election of 1804. refusing a third term of office, Jefferson established more firmly the precedent, not since violated, restricting a president to two terms, though the Constitution contains no such restriction. The great success of his presidency had been the acquisition of Louisiana, which was a violation of his party principles; but all his minor successes were, like this, recognitions of the national sovereignty which he disliked so much. After a short and brilliant naval war the Barbary pirates were reduced to submission (1805). The long-continued control of New Orleans by Spain, and the persistent intrigues of the Spanish authorities, looking towards a separation of the whole western country from the United States, had been ended by the acquisition of Louisiana, and the full details concerning them will probably remain for ever hidden in the secret history of the early West. They had left behind a dangerous ignorance of Federal power and control, of which Aaron Burr (q.v.) took advantage (1806–07). Organizing an expedition in Kentucky and Tennessee, probably for the conquest of the Spanish colony of Mexico, he was arrested on the lower Mississippi and brought back to Virginia. He was acquitted; but the incident opened up a vaster view of the national authority than democracy had yet been able to take. It had been said, forty years before, that Great Britain had long arms, but that three thousand miles was too far to extend them; it was something to know now that the arms of the Federal government were long enough to reach from Washington city to the Mississippi. 137. All the success of Jefferson was confined to his first four years; all his heavy failures were in his second term, in which he and his party as persistently refused to Difficulties recognize or assert the inherent power of the nation with Great in international affairs. The Jay treaty expired in Britain. 1806 by limitation, and American commerce was thereafter left to the course of events, Jefferson refusing to accept the only treaty which the British government was willing to make. All the difficulties which followed may be summed up in a few words: the British government was then the representative of the ancient system of restriction of commerce, and had a powerful navy to enforce its ideas; the American government was endeavouring to force into international recognition the present system of neutral rights and unrestricted commerce, but its suspicious democracy refused to give it a navy sufficient to command respect. The American government apparently expected to gain its objects without the exhibition of anything but moral force. 138. Great Britain was now at war, from time to time, with almost every other nation of Europe. In time of peace European nations followed generally the old restrictive principle of allowing another nation, like the United States, Neutral Commerce. no commercial access to their colonies; but, when they were at war with Great Britain, whose navy controlled the ocean, they were very willing to allow the neutral American merchantmen to carry away their surplus colonial produce. Great Britain had insisted for fifty years that the neutral nation, in such cases, was really intervening in the war as an ally of her enemy; but she had so far modified her claim as to admit that " transhipment," or breaking bulk, in the United States was enough to qualify the commerce for recognition. The neutral nation thus gained a double freight, and grew rich in the traffic; the belligerent nations no longer had commerce afloat for British vessels to capture; and the " frauds of the neutral flags " became a standing subject of complaint among British merchants and naval officers. About 1805 British prize courts 1 Jefferson received 162 electoral votes and his opponent, C. C. Pinckney, only 14. began to disregard transhipment and to condemn American vessels which made the voyage from a European colony to the mother country by way of the United States. This was really a restriction of American commerce to purely American productions, or to commerce with Great Britain direct, with the payment of duties in British ports. 139. The question of expatriation, too, furnished a good many burning grievances. Great Britain maintained the 2 old German rule of perpetual allegiance, though she la- Lion. had modified it by allowing the right of emigration. lion. The United States, founded by immigration, was anxious to establish what Great Britain was not disposed to grant, the right of the subject to divest himself of allegiance by naturalization under a foreign jurisdiction. Four facts thus tended to break off friendly relations: (1) Great Britain's claim to allegiance over American naturalized subjects; (2) her claim to the belligerent right of search of Impress- neutral vessels; (3) her claim of right to impress for ment. her vessels of war her subjects who were seamen wherever found; and (4) the difficulty of distinguishing native-born American from British subjects, even if the right to impress naturalized American subjects were granted. British naval officers even undertook to consider all who spoke the English language as British subjects, unless they could produce proof that they were native-born Americans. The American sailor who lost his papers was thus open to impressment. A particularly flagrant case of seizure of Americans occurred in 1807. On the 27th of June the British ship " Leopard " fired upon the American frigate " Chesapeake," which, after having lost 3 men killed and 18 wounded, hauled down its flag; the British commander then seized four of the " Chesapeake's " crew. This action aroused intense anger throughout the country, and but for the impotence of the government would undoubtedly have led to immediate war. The American government in 1810 published the cases of such impressments since 1803 as numbering over 4000, about one-third of the cases resulting in the discharge of the impressed man; but no one could say how many cases had never been brought to the attention of a government which never did anything more than remonstrate about them. 140. In May 1806 the British government, by orders in council, declared a blockade of the whole continent of Europe from Brest to the Elbe, about 800 m. In November, after the battle of Jena, Napoleon answered by the " Berlin decree," in which he assumed to blockade the British Isles, thus beginning his " continental system." A year later the British government answered by further orders in council, forbidding American trade with any Berlin and country from which the British flag was excluded, Milan allowing direct trade from the United States to Decrees. Sweden only, in American products, and permitting American trade with other parts of Europe only on condition of touching in England and paying duties. Napoleon retorted with the " Milan decree," declaring good prize any vessel which should submit to search by a British ship; but this was evidently a vain fulmination. 141. The Democratic party of the United States was almost exclusively agricultural and had little knowledge of or The Navy. sympathy with commercial interests; it was pledged to the reduction of national expenses and the debt, and did not wish to take up the responsibility for a navy; and, as the section of country most affected by the orders in council, New England, was Federalist, and made up of the active and irreconcilable opposition, a tinge of political feeling could not but colour the decisions of the dominant party. Various ridiculous proposals were considered as substitutes for a necessarily naval war; and perhaps the most ridiculous was adopted. Since the use of non-intercourse agreements as revolutionary weapons against Great Britain, an overweening confidence in such measures had sprung up, and one of them was now resorted to—the embargo of the 22nd of December 1807, forbidding foreign commerce altogether. It was expected to starve Great Britaininto a change of policy; and its effects may be seen by comparing the $20,000,000 exports of 1790, $49,000,000 of 1807 and $9,000,000 of 1808. It does not seem to have struck those who passed the measure that the agricultural districts also might find the change unpleasant; but that was the result, and their complaints reinforced those of New England, and closed Jefferson's second term in a cloud of recognized misfortune. The pressure had been slightly relieved by the substitution of the Non-Intercourse Law of the 1st of March 1809 for the embargo; it prohibited commercial intercourse with Great Britain and France and their dependencies, leaving Non-Inter. other foreign commerce open, prohibited the impor- coarse Law. tation from any quarter of British and French goods, Election and forbade the entrance of British or French vessels, 0118o& public or private, into any port of the United States. Madison, Jefferson's secretary of state, who succeeded Jefferson in 1809, having defeated the Federalist candidate C. C. Pinckney in the election of 1808, assumed in the presidency a burden which was not enviable. New England was in a ferment, and was suspected of designs to resist the restrictive system by force; and the administration did not face the future with confidence. 142. The Non-Intercourse Law was to be in force only " until the end of the next session of Congress " and was to be abandoned as to either belligerent which should abandon its attacks on neutral commerce, and maintained against the other. In 1810 the American government was led to believe that France had abandoned its system. Napoleon continued to enforce it in fact; but his official fiction served its purpose of limiting the non-intercourse for the future to Great Britain, and thus straining relations between that country and the United States still further. The elections of 1811—1812 resulted everywhere in the defeat of " submission men " and in the choice of new members who were determined to resort to war against Great Britain. Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, William H. Crawford and other new men seized the lead in the two houses of Congress, and forced Madison, it is said, to agree to a declaration of war as a condition of his renomination in 1812 when he defeated De Witt Clinton by an electoral vote of 128 to 89. (See MADISON.) Madison sent to Congress a confidential Election " war message " on the 1st of June and on the 18th of 1812. war was declared. The New England Federalists war with always called it " Mr Madison's war," but the England. president was about the most unwilling participant in it. 143. The national democracy meant to attack Great Britain in Canada, partly to gratify its western constituency, who had been harassed by Indian attacks, asserted to Tippecanoe. have been instigated from Canada. Premonitions of success were drawn from the battle of Tippecanoe, in which William Henry Harrison had defeated in 1811 the north-western league of Indians formed by Tecumseh (q.v.). Between the solidly settled Atlantic states and the Canadian frontier was a wide stretch of unsettled or thinly settled country, which was itself a formidable obstacle to war. Ohio had been Theatre of admitted as a state in 1802, and Louisiana was the war. admitted in 1812; but their admission had been due to the desire to grant them self-government rather than to their full development in population and resources. Cincinnati was a little settlement of 2500 inhabitants; the fringe of settled country ran not very far north of it; and all beyond was a wilderness of which little was known to the authorities. The case was much the same with western New York; the army which was to cross the Niagara river must journey almost all the way from Albany through a very thinly peopled country. It would have been far less costly, as events proved, to have entered at once upon a naval war; but the crusade against Canada had been proclaimed all through Kentucky and the West, and their people were determined to wipe out their old scores before the conclusion of the war. (For the military and naval events of the war see AMERICAN WAR OF 1812.) 144. The war opened with disaster—General William Hull's surrender of Detroit; and disaster attended it for two years. Political appointments to positions in the regular army were Orders in Council. The Embargo. numerous, and such officers were worse than useless. The war department showed no great knowledge, and poverty put its little knowledge out of service. Futile attempts the political officers were weeded out at the end of the year 1813, and Jacob Brown, Winfield Scott, E. W. Ripley and others who had fought their way up were put in command. Then for the first time the men were drilled and brought into effective condition; and two successful battles in 1814—Chippewa and Chippewa Lundy's Lane—threw some glory on the end of and Lundy's the war. So weak were the preparations even for Lane. defence that a British expedition in 1814 met no Washington effective resistance when it landed and burned Burnt. Washington. For some of the disasters the responsibility rested as much, or more, upon the war department as upon the officers and soldiers in the field. 145. The American navy was but a puny adversary for the British navy, which had captured or shut up in port all the other navies of Europe. But the small number of Ameri- officers, gave them one great advantage: the training and discipline of the men, and the equipment of the vessels, had been brought to the very highest point. Captains who could command a vessel but for a short time, yielding her then to another officer who was to take his sea service in rotation, were all ambitious to make their mark during their term. " The art of handling and fighting the old broadside sailing frigate " had been carried in the little American navy to a point which unvarying success and a tendency to fleet-combats had now made far less common among British captains. Altogether the American vessels gave a remarkably good account of themselves. 146. The home dislike to the war had increased steadily with the evidence of incompetent management by the administration. Feeling The Federalists, who had always desired a navy, in New pointed to the naval successes as the best proof of England. folly with which the war had been undertaken and managed. New England Federalists complained that the Federal government utterly neglected the defence of their coast, and that Southern influence was far too strong in national affairs. They showed at every opportunity a disposition to adopt the furthest stretch of state sovereignty, as stated in the Kentucky Resolutions; and every such development urged the national democracy unconsciously further on the road to nationality. When the New England states sent delegates to meet at Hartford, Hartford Conn. (q.v.), and consider their grievances and conventlon.the best remedies—a step perfectly proper on the Democratic theory of a " voluntary Union "—treason was suspected, and a readiness to suppress it by force was plainly shown. The recommendations of the convention came to nothing; but the attitude of the dominant party towards it is one of the symptoms of the manner in which the trials of actual war were steadily reconciling democracy and nationality. The object which Hamilton had sought by high tariffs and the development of national classes had been attained by more natural and healthy means. 147. In April 1814 the first abdication of Napoleon took place, and Great Britain was able to give more attention to her Ameri-Peace can antagonist. The main attack was to be made on Louisiana, the weakest and most distant portion of the Union. A fleet and army were sent thither, but the British assault was completely repulsed (Jan. 8, 1815) by the Americans under Andrew Jackson. Peace had been made at Ghent fifteen days before the battle was fought, but the news of the battle and the peace reached Washington almost together, the former going far to make the latter tolerable. 148. The United States really secured a fairly good treaty. It is true that it said not a word about the questions of impressment, search and neutral rights, the grounds of the war; Great Britain did not abandon her position on any of them. But everybody knew that circumstances had changed. The new naval power whose frigates alone in the past twenty years had shown their ability to fight English frigates on equal terms was not likelyto be troubled in future with the question of impressment; and in fact, while not renouncing the right, the British government no longer attempted to enforce it. The navy, it must be confessed, was the force which had at last given the United States a recognized and cordial acceptance in the family of nations; it had solved the problem of the reconciliation of democracy and nationality. 149. The remainder of this period is one of the barrenest in American history. The opposition of the Federalist party to the war completed the measure of its unpopularity, and Extinction it had only a perfunctory existence for a few years of the longer. Scandal, intrigue and personal criticism Federalist became the most marked characteristics of Ameri- Ply. can politics until the dominant party broke at the end of the period, and real party conflict was renewed. But the seeds of the final disruption are visible from the peace of 1814. The old-fashioned Republicans looked with intense suspicion on the new form of Republicanism generated by the war, a type which instinctively bent its energies toward the further development of national power. Clay was the natural leader of the new Democracy; but John Quincy Adams and others of Federalist antecedents or leanings took to the new doctrines kindly; and even Calhoun, Crawford and others of the Southern interest were at first strongly inclined to support them. One of the first effects was the revival of protection and of a national bank. 15o. The charter of the national bank had expired in 1811, and the dominant party had refused to recharter it. The attempt to carry on the war by loans resulted in almost a bank-Bank of the ruptcy and in a complete inability to act efficiently. united As soon as peace gave time for consideration, a second states. bank was chartered (April ro, 1816) for twenty years, with a capital of $35,000,000, one-fifth of which was to be sub-scribed for by the national government. It was to have the custody of the government revenues, but the secretary of the treasury could divert the revenues to other custodians, giving his reasons for such action to Congress. 151. Protection was advocated again on national grounds, but not quite on those which had moved Hamilton. The additional receipts were now to be expended for fortifications Protection. and other national defences, and for national roads and canals, the latter to be considered solely as military measures, with an incidental benefit to the people. Business distress among the people gave additional force to the proposal. The war and blockade had been an active form of protection, under which American manufactures had sprung up in great abundance. As soon as peace was made English manufacturers drove their American rivals out of business or reduced them to desperate straits. Their cries for relief had a double effect. They gave the spur to the nationalizing advocates of protection, and, as most of the manufacturers were in New England or New York, they developed in the citadel of Federalism a class which looked for help to a Republican Congress, and was therefore bound to oppose the Federalist party. This was the main force which brought New England into the Republican Manufacfold before 1825. An increase in the number of tunes. spindles from 8o,000 in 1811 to 500,000 in 1815, and in cotton consumption from 500 bales in x800 to 90,000 in 1815, the rise of manufacturing towns, and the rapid development of the mechanical tendencies of a people who had been hitherto almost exclusively agricultural, were influences which were to be reckoned with in the politics of a democratic country. 152. The tariff of 1816 imposed a duty of about 25 % on imports of cotton and woollen goods, and specific duties on iron imports, except pig-iron, on which there was an ad valorem Tariff of duty of 20%. In 1818 this duty also was made 1816• specific (5o cents a cwt.). The ad valorem duties carried most of the manufacturers through the financial crisis of 1818-1819, but the iron duties were less satisfactory. In English manufacture the substitution of coke for charcoal in iron production led to continual decrease in price. As the price went down the specific duties were continually increasing the absolute amount of protection. Thus spared the necessity for improvements Disaster at invasion were followed by defeat or abortion, until by Land. stare of can vessels, with the superabundance of trained the Navy. in production, the American manufacturers felt English competition more keenly as the years went by, and called for more protection. 153. James Monroe (q.v.) succeeded Madison as president in 1817, and, re-elected with hardly any opposition in 1820, he "Bra of served until 1825.1 So complete was the supremacy Good of the Republican party that this is often called Feeling." " the era of good feeling." It came to an end when a successor to Monroe was to be elected; the two sections of the dominant party then had their first opportunity for open struggle. During Monroe's two terms of office the nationalizing party developed the policy on which it proposed to manage national affairs. This was largely the product of the continually swelling western movement of population. The influence of the steamboat was felt more and more every year, and the want of a similar improvement in land transport was correspondingly evident. The attention drawn to western New York by the war had filled that part of the state with a new population. The southern Indians had been completely overthrown by Andrew Jackson during the War of 1812, and forced to cede their lands. Admission The admission of the new states of Indiana (1816), of New Mississippi (1817), Illinois (1818), Alabama (1819), States. Maine (182o) and Missouri (1821)—all but Maine the product and evidence of western growth—were the immediate results of the development consequent upon the war. All the territory east of the Mississippi, except the northern part of the North-West Territory, was now formed into self-governing states; the state system had crossed the Mississippi; all that was needed for further development was the locomotive engine. The four millions of 1790 had grown into thirteen millions in 183o; and there was a steady increase of one-third in each decade. 154. The urgent demand of western settlers for some road to a market led to a variety of schemes to facilitate intercourse Brie canal. between the East and the West—the most successful being that completed in New York in 1825, the Erie Canal. The Hudson river forms the great natural breach in the barrier range which runs parallel to the Atlantic coast. When the traveller has passed up the Hudson through that range he sees before him a vast champaign country extending westward to the Great Lakes, and perfectly adapted by nature for a canal. Such a canal, to turn western traffic into the lake rivers and through the lakes, the canal, and the Hudson to New York City, was begun by the state through the influence of De Witt Clinton, was derisively called " Clinton's big ditch " until its completion, and laid the foundations for the great commercial prosperity of New York state and city. Long before it was finished the evident certainty of its success had seduced other states into far less successful enterprises of the kind and had established as a nationalizing policy the combination of high tariffs and expenditures for internal improvements which was long known as the " American system." 2 The tariffs of duties on The imports were to be carried as high as revenue results ••American would justify; within this limit the duties were System." to be defined for purposes of protection; and the superabundant revenues were to be expended on enterprises which would tend to aid the people in their efforts to subdue the continent. Protection was now to be for national benefit, not for the benefit of classes. Western farmers were to have manufacturing towns at their doors, as markets for the surplus which 1 In 1816 Monroe received 183 electoral votes and his opponent, Rufus King,34; in 1820 Monroe received 231 and his opponent, John Quincy Adams, 1. 2 For a generation the making of " internal improvements " by the Federal government was an issue of great political importance. In 1806 Congress made an appropriation for the National or Cumberland Road, eventually constructed from Fort Cumberland, Md., to Vandalia, Ill. The policy of making such improvements was opposed on the ground that the Constitution gave to the Federal government no power to make them, that it was not an "enumerated power," and that such improvements were not.a " necessary and proper " means of carrying out any of the enumerated powers. Others argued that the Federal government might constitutionally make such improvements, but could not exercise jurisdiction over them when -.ade.had hitherto been rotting on their farms; competition among manufacturers was to keep down prices; migration to all the new advantages of the West was to be made easy at national expense; and Henry Clay's eloquence was to commend the whole policy to the people. The old Democracy, particularly in the South, insisted that the whole scheme really had its basis in benefits to classes, that its communistic features were not such as the Constitution meant to cover by its grant of power to Congress to levy taxation for the general welfare, and that any such legislation would be unconstitutional. The dissatisfaction in the South rose higher when the tariffs were increased Tariffs of in 1824 and 1828. The proportion of customs 1824 and revenue to dutiable imports rose to 37% in 1825 1828. and to 44% in 1829; and the ratio to aggregate imports to 33% in 1825 and 37% in 1829.